Realigning Support for Belarusian Civil Society

Evidence-Based Research on Democratic Assistance Effectiveness

See The Evidence
Character illustration representing research findings
Research character illustration

The Aid Paradox in Belarus

Three decades and hundreds of millions of dollars later, why has Western support for Belarusian civil society produced so little democratic progress?[1]

The Challenge

After 30 years and substantial funding, Western support for Belarusian civil society has yielded limited democratic progress. The same authoritarian system remains in place, stronger than ever[2].

Character illustration representing the aid paradox
Character representing the aid paradox in Belarus

The Paradox

Foreign funding provides essential resources but actually reinforces regime narratives about civil society being "foreign agents" rather than authentic Belarusian organizations.

The uncomfortable truth: Western aid has created a dependency system that prevents authentic grassroots movements from forming[3], while funding priorities that most Belarusians don't support[4].

The Pseudo-Political Ecosystem

Foreign funding creates artificial political representation that undermines authentic democratic development

International democracy assistance has inadvertently created a pseudo-political ecosystem where foreign funding elevates specific political figures to positions of authority without subjecting them to authentic democratic accountability. This creates politicians who respond to donor preferences rather than domestic constituencies[5].

💰

Sustained Elite Funding

Figures like Anatol Liabedzka (25+ years) and many others maintain political relevance through external funding, not electoral success

📺

Media-Political Complex

Foreign-funded media outlets provide coverage based on shared funding dependencies, not journalistic merit or public interest[6]

🎭

Artificial Legitimacy

Creates appearance of political activity disconnected from actual Belarusian political dynamics

How This Distorts Democratic Competition

🚫

Crowding Out Effect

Externally-funded figures occupy political space, media attention, and international recognition that would otherwise allow authentic political entrepreneurs to emerge organically from domestic constituencies[7].

🎯

Donor Accountability vs. Democratic Accountability

Politicians optimize messaging for foreign funders rather than responding to Belarusian citizens' preferences, creating a parallel political universe disconnected from local realities[8].

🔒

Barriers to Authentic Entry

Creates artificial barriers for potential leaders with stronger domestic support but lacking access to international funding networks, distorting the political marketplace[9].

The Self-Reinforcing Bubble

Mutual Dependency

Foreign-Funded Politicians
Foreign-Funded Media

Media outlets cannot provide meaningful scrutiny when both they and political figures depend on the same funding sources, creating political theater rather than authentic democratic accountability.

Character illustration representing the self-reinforcing bubble effect
Character representing the self-reinforcing bubble in media-politician relationships

Echo Chamber Effects

This creates a closed system where:

  • 📺 Media coverage becomes promotional rather than investigative
  • 🎭 Political figures perform for donors, not constituents
  • 💰 Funding decisions drive political priorities
  • 🔄 Self-reinforcing cycle prevents authentic accountability. Government-organized structures blur the lines further[10]

International efforts to support democratic opposition inadvertently create a political class that operates outside democratic accountability mechanisms, potentially hindering rather than advancing genuine democratic development in Belarus[11][12].

LGBTQ+ and Gender Equality: Global South Template Applied to Belarus

Funding strategies designed for criminalized contexts are mechanically applied to a fundamentally different society

International donors mechanically apply funding strategies designed for Global South contexts, where LGBTQ+ issues involve life-or-death criminalization, to Belarus, where the challenge is cultural acceptance, not legal survival[13] This misunderstanding wastes resources while reinforcing authoritarian narratives about foreign manipulation[14].

The Fundamental Mismatch

Global South Context (Appropriate)

  • 🚫 Homosexuality criminalized
  • ⚖️ No legal protections exist
  • 💀 Life-or-death situations
  • 🏗️ Need basic institutional support
  • 💰 Extreme poverty contexts
Character illustration representing the funding mismatch analysis
Character representing the mismatch between global south templates and Belarus context

Belarus Context (Mismatched)

  • ✅ Legal since 1990s
  • 📋 Legal framework exists
  • 🤝 Cultural acceptance challenge
  • 🏛️ Established institutions
  • 💼 Middle-income living condition

The Democracy-Undermining Result

🏷️

Wrong Template

Global South criminalization strategies applied to cultural acceptance contexts

Public Rejection

Public Rejection
72% reject or uncertain about gender programming[4]

💥

Legitimacy Crisis

Entire civil society ecosystem undermined

The NGO-ization Problem

Foreign funding transforms authentic grassroots movements into professionalized organizations disconnected from their communities[15][16]

Grassroots Voluntary Movements

🌱

Community-Driven

Emerge organically from local needs and concerns, prioritizing whose reality counts in development[17]

🤝

Volunteer-Based

Rely on unpaid volunteers motivated by shared values

🏠

Local Ownership

Decisions made by community members through authentic leadership, membership, and voice mechanisms[18]

🎯

Issue-Focused

Address specific local problems with concrete solutions, representing genuine community interests

🔄

Flexible & Adaptive

Can quickly change approach based on community feedback

vs

Professionalized NGOs

💼

Donor-Driven

Priorities set by international funders, not local communities, creating external dependencies

💰

Staff-Dependent

Rely on paid professionals who need salaries to survive, creating organizational constraints

🏢

External Control

Accountability to foreign donors creates restrictions and implications for organizational autonomy[19]

📊

Project-Focused

Chase funding opportunities rather than solve problems, creating organizational ambivalence[20]

🔒

Bureaucratic & Rigid

Bound by donor requirements and reporting procedures, limiting organizational pragmatism

The Democracy-Killing Mechanism

The transformation from grassroots movements to professionalized NGOs undermines democratic development

1

Dependency Creation

Organizations become addicted to foreign funding, losing connection to local constituencies who cannot provide equivalent resources. This demonstrates the power and limits of NGOs in building democracy.[21]

2

Elite Capture

Professional activists form a separate class with different interests from ordinary citizens, creating hierarchy instead of horizontal participation.

3

Legitimacy Crisis

As organizations pursue donor priorities over local needs, they lose credibility with the very people they claim to represent.

4

Regime Ammunition

Authoritarian governments can easily portray NGOs as "foreign agents," undermining the entire civil society ecosystem. This exemplifies how authoritarian regimes preempt democracy.[22]

International efforts to promote democracy through NGO funding actually prevent the development of authentic democratic institutions by creating dependency relationships that mirror the very authoritarianism they seek to combat[23].

What The Data Reveals

84% Urban, 53% Female, Median Age 41 — The Ideal Profile for Progressive Values?
Belarus has the demographic characteristics typically associated with support for liberal causes[24]. Yet present comprehensive research reveals surprising patterns that challenge fundamental assumptions about international democracy assistance[4].

Character illustration
Download raw data

Challenging Demographic Assumptions

Even among the demographic groups most receptive to progressive values, our data reveals significant dissatisfaction with current international funding priorities. This challenges modernization assumptions about how cultural values evolve in developing societies[27]:

🎯 The Female Majority Paradox

616,000 more women than men (53.4% female population), yet female respondents show -27% net support for gender equality funding[4]
Even in a female-majority society, Western gender programming faces rejection

🏙️ The Urban Democracy Disconnect

84.35% urban population (among world's highest), yet democracy funding achieves only 21% support[4]
Even in Minsk: 26% support in the cosmopolitan capital
Urban vs rural dynamics show complex patterns under authoritarian contexts[28]. Even urban education doesn't guarantee support for donor priorities

👥 The Generational Reality

Youth (18-34) show -28% net support for gender/LGBTQ+ issues[4]
Political training: 7% youth support
Even the most progressive demographic rejects key donor programming, reflecting broader patterns of social capital decline[29]

Three Distinct Patterns

Analysis of 20 international programs and 800 survey responses shows three distinct funding-support relationships[36]:

🚫 Pure NGO-ization

High funding, low support

Political training -1% support 25% funding
Democracy/governance 21% support 55% funding

Pattern: Donor-driven priorities completely disconnected from public demand

⚖️ Balanced Legitimacy

Funding ≈ Support

Human rights 59% support 60% funding
Education 64% support 48% funding

Pattern: International funding aligned with genuine public resonance

💚 Grassroots Neglect

High support, minimal funding

Health 75% support 20% funding
Environment 74% support 10% funding
Transport and infrastructure 63% support 5% funding
Technology and innovation 70% support 15% funding

Pattern: Massive missed opportunities for authentic democratic organizing

The Shocking Reality: Four Key Findings

Even the most progressive demographics reject donor priorities, creating massive gaps between international funding and authentic public support

Success is possible — human rights programming (60% funding, 59% support) proves donors and Belarusians can align[4]. Redirecting resources from unpopular political training toward high-support sectors like health (75% support, 20% funding) or technology (70% support, 15% funding) could transform civil society effectiveness[30].

Contentious Areas

The systematic rejection spans all demographic groups, creating perfect conditions for authoritarian narratives about foreign interference

Gender Equality & LGBTQ+ Rights
-38%

Net negative support across all demographics

Political Training
-1%

Essentially zero support even among educated urban youth

Migration & Refugee Support
14%

Minimal support despite humanitarian framing

Democracy & Governance
21%

Low support despite targeting "natural" urban constituencies

These negative attitudes span across all demographic groups — urban/rural, young/old, male/female, educated/less educated.

How Belarus Civil Society is Currently Funded

The funding architecture that creates dependency relationships and shapes civil society priorities in ways that may undermine authentic democratic development. This complex web of international donors, implementing organizations, and final recipients operates with limited transparency, making it difficult to track actual resource allocation and impact[4][35].

International Donors

European Commission European Commission
USAID United States Agency for International Development (USAID)
SIDA Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA)
🇵🇱 🇳🇱 🇩🇪 🇨🇦 🇳🇴
Other state sources
Poland, Netherlands, Germany, Canada, Norway
🏛️
Private foundations

Implementing Organizations

Final Outcomes

💰
Providing grants to Belarusian CSOs
🎯
Implementing programs targeting and involving Belarusians CSOs
🤝
Providing direct assistance and services to target groups (e.g. students, refugees)

A New Framework for Support

It's time to stop doing the same things and expecting different results. Current aid creates clientelistic relationships that mirror authoritarian dependency patterns, undermining the very democratic values international donors seek to promote. Here's what needs to change to avoid perpetuating clientelism[34]:

Character illustration

1. Redirect Unpopular Programming

What: Reallocate funding from fake politicians, LGBTQ+, gender advocacy, and political training toward health, cultural preservation, technology, and innovation — areas with 70%+ Belarusian support[4]

Why: Build authentic public support base instead of reinforcing "foreign agent" narratives[31]

Impact: Transform civil society from regime liability into genuine community asset with universal appeal

2. Establish Belarusian Civil Society Fund

What: Create a pooled fund governed by elected Belarusian council, not Western donors[32]

Why: Genuine local ownership and decision-making

Impact: Reduces dependency, increases legitimacy with Belarusian public

3. Develop Alternative Mechanisms

What: Bitcoin-based microgranting, smart funding algorithms, decentralized platforms that bypass traditional NGO bureaucracy and reduce administrative overhead

Why: Direct funding to authentic grassroots initiatives while eliminating professional grant-writing middlemen[33]

Impact: Maintain civic space during severe repression while dramatically increasing funding efficiency

Hermiona character illustration

The Time for Change is Now

The current approach to supporting Belarusian civil society is neither sustainable nor effective. Bold action is required to develop more resilient, locally legitimate support mechanisms.

This research calls on international donors, implementing organizations, and Belarusian stakeholders to forge a new partnership model. Rather than imposing external priorities on aid recipients, successful democracy support must recognize Belarusians as equal partners and primary decision-makers in shaping their society's future.

References

[1] Nechyparenka, Y. (2011). Democratic Transition in Belarus: Cause(s) of Failure. Master's Thesis in International Relations, IBEI (Institut Barcelona d'Estudis Internacionals).

[2] Bedford, S., Pikulik, A. (2018). Aid Paradox. Strengthening Belarusian Non-democracy through Democracy Promotion. East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, 20(10), 1–22.

[3] Minchenia, A. (2020). Belarusian Professional Protesters in the Structure of Democracy Promotion.

[4] Markielau, P. (2024). Funding of Belarusian Civil Society in Crisis. Bachelor's thesis, CEVRO Univerzita. (source)

[5] Tvedt, T. (2006). The International Aid System and the Non-Governmental Organisations: A New Research Agenda.

[6] Pfeffer, J., & Salancik, G. R. (1978). The External Control of Organizations: A Resource Dependence Perspective. New York: Harper & Row.

[7] Ottaway, M., & Carothers, T. (2000). Funding Virtue: Civil Society Aid and Democracy Promotion.

[8] Edwards, M., & Hulme, D. (1996). Too Close for Comfort? The Impact of Official Aid on Non-Governmental Organizations.

[9] Glasius, M., & Ishkanian, A. (2014). Surreptitious Symbiosis: Engagement Between Activists and NGOs.

[10] Hasmath, R., Hildebrandt, T., & Hsu, J. (2019). Conceptualizing Government-Organized Non-Governmental Organizations.

[11] Fisher, W. (1997). Doing Good? The Politics and Antipolitics of NGO Practices. Annual Review of Anthropology, 26, 439–464.

[12] Carothers, T. (1999). Aiding Democracy Abroad: The Learning Curve. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

[13] Burke, M. (2021). Weaponizing Anti-LGBTQ Bias: The Authoritarian's Approach to Dismantling a Democracy. Democratic Erosion Consortium, American University.

[14] Ayoub, P., Stoeckl, K. (2024). The Global Resistance to LGBTIQ Rights. Journal of Democracy, 35(1), 59–73.

[15] Heylen, F., Willems, E., & Beyers, J. (2020). Do Professionals Take Over? Professionalisation and Membership Influence in Civil Society Organisations. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 31, 1226–1238.

[16] Sampson, S. (2002). Weak States, Uncivil Societies and Thousands of NGOs: Western Democracy Export as Benevolent Colonialism in the Balkans. Nordic Academic Press, The Balkans in Focus: Cultural Boundaries in Europe, 27–44.

[17] Chambers, R. (1997). Whose Reality Counts? Putting the First Last. Intermediate Technology Publications.

[18] Andrews, K., Ganz, M., Baggetta, M., Han, H., Lim, C. (2010). Leadership, Membership, and Voice: Civic Associations That Work. American Journal of Sociology, 115(4), 1191–1242.

[19] Oleinikova, O. (2017). Foreign Funded NGOs in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine: Recent Restrictions and Implications. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: an Interdisciplinary Journal, 9(3), 85–94.

[20] Seibel, W. (2019). Pragmatism in Organizations: Ambivalence and Limits. The Production of Managerial Knowledge and Organizational Theory: New Approaches to Writing, Producing and Consuming Theory. Research in the Sociology of Organizations, Emerald Publishing Limited, 43–55.

[21] Mendelson, S., Glenn, J. (2002). The Power and Limits of NGOs: A Critical Look at Building Democracy in Eastern Europe and Eurasia. Columbia University Press.

[22] Silitski, V. (2005). Preempting Democracy: The Case of Belarus. Journal of Democracy, 16(4), 83–97.

[23] Martens, B., Mummert U., Murrell, P., Seabright, P. (2002). The Institutional Economics of Foreign Aid. Cambridge University Press.

[24] Kamarck, E., Muchnick, J. (2024). The growing gender gap among young people. Brookings Institution.

[25] Bryman, A. (2016). Social Research Methods. Fifth Edition. Oxford University Press.

[26] Markielau, P. (2024). Raw research data. (source)

[27] Inglehart, R. (1997). Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies. Princeton University Press.

[28] Hervouet, R. (2019). A political ethnography of rural communities under an authoritarian regime: The case of Belarus. Bulletin of Sociological Methodology, 141(1), 85–112.

[29] Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. Simon & Schuster.

[30] Salamon, L., Anheier, H. (1996). Social Origins of Civil Society: Explaining the Nonprofit Sector Cross-Nationally. Working Papers of the Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project.

[31] Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. (2018). Examining Civil Society Legitimacy. (source)

[32] Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). (2022). The 2021 OECD DAC Recommendation on Enabling Civil Society. (source)

[33] Stimson Center. (2025). Aid That Works: Enhancing US Support for Civil Society Organizations. (source)

[34] Lavretski, D. (2024). Authoritarian Clientelism Under Conditions of Economic Instability: Case Study of Belarus in 2009-2024. CEVRO Institute. (source)

[35] Markielau, P. (2024). Belarus Civil Society Grant Programs Analysis. (source)

[36] Markielau, P. (2024). Belarus Civil Society Grant Programs Ranking by Public Support. (source)

About the Author

Piotr Markielau, Master's Candidate in Civil Society Studies
Piotr Markielau, author of the research

Piotr Markielau

Master's Researcher in Civil Society Studies

Piotr Markielau is pursuing a Master's degree in Management and Economics at ISM University of Management and Economics, Lithuania, specializing in civil society research and democratic assistance effectiveness. He holds a Bachelor's degree in Business, Politics, and Economics from CEVRO Institute, Prague. His research focuses on the effectiveness of Western democratic assistance programs, with particular emphasis on civil society development in authoritarian contexts. His work combines quantitative analysis with field research, examining the gap between donor priorities and local community needs in democracy promotion efforts. Extensive experience in civil society organizations and technology development: Founder and board member of BitCapsule Foundation, developing gandhi.camp digital management systems for non-profit organizations. Operates luka.zone, an investigative portal documenting political repressions in Belarus and war crimes in Ukraine. Co-founder, donor, and CTO of Zolak Micro Art Residence, supporting artists and activists in Vilnius. Founder of Legalize Belarus and co-founder of Youth Bloc liberal organization.

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